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Asexuality is the lack of sexual attraction to others, or low or absent interest in or desire for sexual activity. Asexuality is distinct from abstention from sexual activity and from celibacy ,   which are behavioral and generally motivated by factors such as an individual's personal or religious beliefs. Acceptance of asexuality as a sexual orientation and field of scientific research is still relatively new,    as a growing body of research from both sociological and psychological perspectives has begun to develop.
Various asexual communities have started to form since the advent of the Internet and social media. Asexuality is sometimes called ace a phonetic shortening of "asexual"  , while the community is sometimes called the ace community , by researchers or asexuals. The Asexual Visibility and Education Network defines an asexual as "someone who does not experience sexual attraction" and stated, "[a]nother small minority will think of themselves as asexual for a brief period of time while exploring and questioning their own sexuality" and that "[t]here is no litmus test to determine if someone is asexual.
If at any point someone finds the word asexual useful to describe themselves, we encourage them to use it for as long as it makes sense to do so. Asexual people, though lacking sexual attraction to any gender, might engage in purely romantic relationships, while others might not. With regard to sexual activity in particular, the need or desire for masturbation is commonly referred to as sex drive by asexuals and they disassociate it from sexual attraction and being sexual; asexuals who masturbate generally consider it to be a normal product of the human body and not a sign of latent sexuality, and may not even find it pleasurable.
Many people who identify as asexual also identify with other labels. These other identities include how they define their gender and their romantic orientation. Regarding romantic or emotional aspects of sexual orientation or sexual identity , for example, asexuals may identify as heterosexual , lesbian , gay , bisexual , queer ,   or by the following terms to indicate that they associate with the romantic, rather than sexual, aspects of sexual orientation:  .
People may also identify as a gray-A such as a gray-romantic, demiromantic, demisexual or semisexual because they feel that they are between being aromantic and non-aromantic, or between asexuality and sexual attraction. While the term gray-A may cover anyone who occasionally feels romantic or sexual attraction, demisexuals or semisexuals experience sexual attraction only as a secondary component, feeling sexual attraction once a reasonably stable or large emotional connection has been created.
Other unique words and phrases used in the asexual community to elaborate identities and relationships also exist. One term coined by individuals in the asexual community is friend-focused , which refers to highly valued, non-romantic relationships. Other terms include squishes and zucchinis , which are non-romantic crushes and queer-platonic relationships, respectively. Terms such as non-asexual and allosexual are used to refer to individuals on the opposite side of the sexuality spectrum.
Asexuality is not a new aspect of human sexuality, but it is relatively new to public discourse. Lehmiller stated, "the Kinsey X classification emphasized a lack of sexual behavior, whereas the modern definition of asexuality emphasizes a lack of sexual attraction. As such, the Kinsey Scale may not be sufficient for accurate classification of asexuality. Further empirical data about an asexual demographic appeared in , when a research team in the United Kingdom carried out a comprehensive survey of 18, British residents, spurred by the need for sexual information in the wake of the AIDS pandemic.
The survey included a question on sexual attraction, to which 1. The same study found the number of homosexuals and bisexuals combined to be about 1.
In a survey conducted by YouGov in , 1, British adults were asked to try to place themselves on the Kinsey scale. There is significant debate over whether or not asexuality is a sexual orientation. The first study that gave empirical data about asexuals was published in by Paula Nurius, concerning the relationship between sexual orientation and mental health.
A similar trend existed for depression. Nurius did not believe that firm conclusions can be drawn from this for a variety of reasons. In a study, Yule et al. Yule et al. The same was found for female asexual participants over their heterosexual counterparts; however, non-asexual, non-heterosexual females had the highest rates. The suggestion that asexuality is a sexual dysfunction is controversial among the asexual community.
Those who identify as asexual usually prefer it to be recognized as a sexual orientation. Research on the etiology of sexual orientation when applied to asexuality has the definitional problem of sexual orientation not consistently being defined by researchers as including asexuality.
While some asexuals masturbate as a solitary form of release or have sex for the benefit of a romantic partner, others do not see above. The Kinsey Institute sponsored another small survey on the topic in , which found that self-identified asexuals "reported significantly less desire for sex with a partner, lower sexual arousability, and lower sexual excitation but did not differ consistently from non-asexuals in their sexual inhibition scores or their desire to masturbate".
Johnson, is explicitly devoted to asexuality in humans. She portrays them as invisible, "oppressed by a consensus that they are non-existent," and left behind by both the sexual revolution and the feminist movement. Johnson argued that society either ignores or denies their existence or insists they must be ascetic for religious reasons, neurotic, or asexual for political reasons.
In a study published in in volume five of Advances in the Study of Affect , as well as in another article using the same data and published in in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , Michael D.
Storms of the University of Kansas outlined his own reimagining of the Kinsey scale. Whereas Kinsey measured sexual orientation based on a combination of actual sexual behavior and fantasizing and eroticism, Storms used only fantasizing and eroticism.
Storms, however, placed hetero-eroticism and homo-eroticism on separate axes rather than at two ends of a single scale; this allows for a distinction between bisexuality exhibiting both hetero- and homo-eroticism in degrees comparable to hetero- or homosexuals, respectively and asexuality exhibiting a level of homo-eroticism comparable to a heterosexual and a level of hetero-eroticism comparable to a homosexual, namely, little to none.
This type of scale accounted for asexuality for the first time. Respondents who scored lower than 10 on both were labeled "asexual". A paper written by Karli June Cerankowski and Megan Milks, titled New Orientations: Asexuality and Its Implications for Theory and Practice , suggests that asexuality may be somewhat of a question in itself for the studies of gender and sexuality. The asexual movement challenges that assumption by challenging many of the basic tenets of pro-sex feminism [in which it is] already defined as repressive or anti-sex sexualities.
This formula, if dissected scientifically and proven, would support researcher Simon LeVay 's blind study of the hypothalamus in gay men, women, and straight men, which indicates that there is a biological difference between straight men and gay men. In , Cerankowski and Milks edited and published Asexualities: Feminist and Queer Perspectives , a collection of essays intended to explore the politics of asexuality from a feminist and queer perspective.
Each part contains two to three papers on a given aspect of asexuality research. One such paper is written by Ela Przybylo, another name that is becoming common in asexual scholarly literature. Her article, with regard to the Cerankowski and Milks anthology, focuses on accounts by self-identified male asexuals, with a particular focus on the pressures men experience towards having sex in dominant Western discourse and media.
Three men living in Southern Ontario, Canada, were interviewed in , and Przybylo admits that the small sample-size means that her findings cannot be generalized to a greater population in terms of representation, and that they are "exploratory and provisional", especially in a field that is still lacking in theorizations.
Another of Przybylo's works, Asexuality and the Feminist Politics of "Not Doing It" , published in , takes a feminist lens to scientific writings on asexuality. Pryzyblo argues that asexuality is made possible only through the Western context of "sexual, coital, and heterosexual imperatives".
In this article, Przybylo once again asserts the understanding of asexuality as a cultural phenomenon, and continues to be critical of its scientific study. CJ DeLuzio Chasin states in Reconsidering Asexuality and Its Radical Potential that academic research on asexuality "has positioned asexuality in line with essentialist discourses of sexual orientation" which is troublesome as it creates a binary between asexuals and persons who have been subjected to psychiatric intervention for disorders such as Hypoactive Sexual Desire Disorder.
Chasin states that asexuality has the power to challenge commonplace discourse of the naturalness of sexuality, but that the unquestioned acceptance of its current definition does not allow for this. Chasin also argues there and elsewhere in Making Sense in and of the Asexual Community: Navigating Relationships and Identities in a Context of Resistance that is important to interrogate why someone might be distressed about low sexual desire. Chasin further argues that clinicians have an ethical obligation to avoid treating low sexual desire per se as pathological, and to discuss asexuality as a viable possibility where relevant with clients presenting clinically with low sexual desire.
Bogaert argues that understanding asexuality is of key importance to understanding sexuality in general. This definition of asexuality also makes clear this distinction between behavior and desire, for both asexuality and celibacy, although Bogaert also notes that there is some evidence of reduced sexual activity for those who fit this definition. He further distinguishes between desire for others and desire for sexual stimulation, the latter of which is not always absent for those who identify as asexual, although he acknowledges that other theorists define asexuality differently and that further research needs to be done on the "complex relationship between attraction and desire".
In an earlier article, Bogaert acknowledges that a distinction between behavior and attraction has been accepted into recent conceptualizations of sexual orientation, which aids in positioning asexuality as such.
An academic work dealing with the history of the asexual community is presently lacking. For some, being a part of a community is an important resource because they often report having felt ostracized. Some question the concept of online community, while others depend on the online asexual community heavily for support. Elizabeth Abbott posits that there has always been an asexual element in the population, but that asexual people kept a low profile. While the failure to consummate marriage was seen as an insult to the sacrament of marriage in medieval Europe, and has sometimes been used as grounds for divorce or to rule a marriage void, asexuality, unlike homosexuality, has never been illegal, and it has usually gone unnoticed.
However, in the 21st century, the anonymity of online communication and general popularity of social networking online has facilitated the formation of a community built around a common asexual identity. Communities such as AVEN can be beneficial to those in search of answers to solve a crisis of identity with regard to their possible asexuality.
Individuals go through a series of emotional processes that end with their identifying with the asexual community. This difference leads to questioning whether the way they feel is acceptable, and possible reasons for why they feel this way.
Pathological beliefs tend to follow, in which, in some cases, they may seek medical help because they feel they have a disease. Self-understanding is usually reached when they find a definition that matches their feelings. Asexuality communities provide support and information that allows newly identified asexuals to move from self-clarification to identifying on a communal level, which can be empowering, because they now have something to associate with, which gives normality to this overall socially-isolating situation.
Asexual organizations and other Internet resources play a key role in informing people about asexuality. The lack of research makes it difficult for doctors to understand the causation. This can be a problem when asexuality is mistaken for an intimacy or relationship problem or for other symptoms that do not define asexuality.
There is also a significant population that either does not understand or does not believe in asexuality, which adds to the importance of these organizations to inform the general population; however, due to the lack of scientific fact on the subject, what these groups promote as information is often questioned.
The first was held at the World Pride in London. The final flag had been a popular candidate and had previously seen use in online forums outside of AVEN.
The final vote was held on a survey system outside of AVEN where the main flag creation efforts were organized. The flag colors have been used in artwork and referenced in articles about asexuality. The black stripe represents asexuality, the grey stripe representing the grey-area between sexual and asexual, the white stripe sexuality, and the purple stripe community.
Asexual Awareness Week occurs in the later half of October, and is created to celebrate and bring awareness to asexuality including gray asexuality. Studies have found no significant statistical correlation between religion and asexuality,  with asexuality occurring with equal prevalence in both religious and irreligious individuals. Christianity has traditionally revered celibacy which is not the same as asexuality ;  the apostle Paul , a lifelong unmarried celibate, has been described by some writers as asexual.
I wish that all men were as I am. But each man has his own gift from God; one has this gift, another has that. Now to the unmarried and the widows I say: It is good for them to stay unmarried, as I am.
But if they cannot control themselves, they should marry, for it is better to marry than to burn with passion. Nonetheless, some Christians regard asexuality as imaginary or even immoral. Sexuality is a gift from God and thus a fundamental part of our human identity. Those who repress their sexuality are not living as God created them to be: fully alive and well. Both homosexual and heterosexual people thought of asexuals as not only cold, but also animalistic and unrestrained.
Asexuals also face prejudice from the LGBT community. In some jurisdictions, asexuals have legal protections.
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