In Inuit communities, the women play a crucial role in the survival of the group. The responsibilities faced by Inuit women were considered equally as important as those faced by the men. Because of this, the women were given due respect, but are not given an equal share of influence or power. Recent modernization and urbanization has transformed traditional Inuit culture and influenced the role of women within the culture. These changes include both positive and negative impacts on the overall well-being of Inuit women.
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For Inuit, the family unit has always played a central role in life and in survival.
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For Inuit, the family unit has always played a central role in life and in survival. Social changes in Inuit communities have resulted in significant transformations to economic, political and cultural aspects of Inuit society. The purpose of this study was to explore Inuit parent perspectives on sharing knowledge with teenage children about sexual health and relationships.
A qualitative Indigenous knowledge approach was used for this study with a focus on Inuit ways of knowing as described in the Piliriqattigiinniq Community Health Research Partnership Model. Interviews were conducted with 20 individual parents in 3 Nunavut communities in Parents were asked about whether and how they talk to their children about sexual health and relationships.
Parents shared stories of themselves, family members and observations of the community. Fifteen of 17 mothers in the study reported having experienced sexual abuse as children or adolescents. Parents identified the challenges that they have and continue to experience as a result of forced settlement, family displacement and the transition of Inuit society. They expressed a desire to teach their children about sexual health and relationships and identified the need for emotional support to do this in the wake of the trauma they have experienced.
Parents highly valued elders and the knowledge they have about family relationships and childrearing. There are powerful, unresolved healing issues in Inuit communities. The traumatic experiences of the settlement and residential school era continue to have an impact on present-day family relationships.
To support parent—child dialogue on sexual health and relationships, parents identified a need to repair relationships between youth and elders, and to provide culturally sensitive support to parents to heal from trauma.
Concerns about these high rates and the high rates of teen pregnancy in Nunavut The purpose of this study was to explore Inuit parent perspectives on sharing knowledge with adolescent children about sexual health and partner relationships. Family is the primary context in which a child grows, develops an identity, is socialized, is hurt and healed, and navigates physical and social development 5.
In recent years, increased attention has been given to the role of the family in predicting and understanding the sexual behaviour of adolescents in the literature 6 — 9. Family factors, such as communication, availability of parents, spending time together outside the home and engaging in activities together can have an impact on the extent to which behaviour problems or choices endure and become part of a healthy or unhealthy lifestyle 5 , 7 , For example, adolescents who reported positive relationships and shared activities with parents were less likely to initiate sex 7.
Parental communication about sex and condom use has been shown to directly relate to adolescent sexual behaviour 8. Parent—teen discussions about sexual health topics are important because they a provide information to teens, b they reinforce parental values and c they buffer teens from peer pressure 8.
Parental closeness and monitoring, rather than the actual specifics of parent—child communication, may also play a role because parents who talk to their children about sex or condoms may have already established closer relationships with their children 8 , For Inuit, the family unit has always played a central role in life and in survival Inuit kinship extends beyond familial affiliation to other non-biological affiliations including adoption, friendship, marriage or partnership, and namesake 15 — Every person had a specific and essential role to play in making contributions towards family survival and the education of young children and adolescents 16 , 19 , A child's earliest learning occurred as they observed and made meaning from the actions of their parents and extended family in the camp 22 , Children learned valuable behaviours, such as self-restraint, patience, non-aggressiveness, generosity and responsibility, by watching their family members lead by example 16 , 24 , When Inuit lived in family-based nomadic camps, teaching about sexual health and relationships was part of a dialogue between children and their parents or extended family, which occurred as part of the sharing of knowledge on a variety of topics.
Painngut Peterloosie 26 highlighted the importance that was placed on the openness of the relationship dialogue between romantic partners in discussing, for example, menstruation, sex or sexual satisfaction.
Today in Nunavut, as in many other jurisdictions, parents and family are no longer the sole source for information about sexual health knowledge and behaviours, if they are a source at all 24 , 29 — The school system, peers, television, Internet, media, community members, teachers and others now play a role in the transmission of attitudes, knowledge and beliefs about sexual health behaviours 29 , 33 , In a study of the perspectives of 53 Inuit women on teen pregnancy, some respondents identified less parental control over young people and greater influence on behaviour from other individuals outside of the family as a worrisome trend in larger communities compared to pre-settlement times In a review of determinants of sexual health among Inuit adolescents, Steenbeek, Tyndall 32 asserted that Inuit parents and grandparents did not feel competent to instruct their own children in sexual health.
Trauma experienced during and after the settlement and settlement era in the Eastern Arctic 35 , 36 ; the loss of accumulated Inuit wisdom, knowledge, teachings and practices regarding life cycle, reproductive health and family planning that occurred as a result 21 , 30 , 32 , 37 , 38 ; and the changing nature of northern communities 28 , 29 , 39 could be factors contributing to the lack of confidence reported among parents.
This qualitative participatory research study explored the topic of Inuit family communication about sexual health and relationships at the request of community members who participated in consultations conducted in Nunavut between and 2 , Their request was prompted by the high rates of sexually transmitted infections and high rate of teenage pregnancy in Nunavut communities compared to the Canadian population.
The research project was designed and implemented in partnership with community wellness or research centres in each of 3 Nunavut communities. The researcher is from Nunavut and familiar with community and territorial research protocols. The research framework focused on Inuit ways of knowing, specifically following the Piliriqatigiinniq Partnership Community Health Research Model A paper outlining the theoretical and methodological aspects of this study in greater detail is published elsewhere Participants were engaged in the study through community health and wellness centres and were offered the opportunity to be project partners if they so desired.
Inuit parents who had at least 1 teenage son or daughter between the age of 13 and 19 years were invited to participate. Interviews were conducted in a comfortable setting chosen by the participant, recorded with permission and transcribed verbatim. All questions were asked in English, and participants primarily responded in English.
In the cases where they responded in Inuktitut, the author provided the translation and verified the translation with a third party. Participants were asked open-ended questions about their experiences talking about sexual health and relationships with their children and invited to tell stories and share experiences. Twenty interviews were conducted in 3 Nunavut communities.
The population of the communities ranged from 1, to 7, The respondents were aged between 30 and Of the Inuit parents who volunteered to be interviewed for this study, 3 were fathers and 17 were mothers; 19 of 20 did not complete high school; 11 were employed in part-time, seasonal or casual work, 3 were unemployed and 6 were employed full-time.
They stated that their experiences of child sexual abuse made them feel inadequate to talk to their children about sexual health. Both mothers and fathers shared a desire to teach their children about sexual health and relationships, and identified a need for support to help them do this, possibly by including elders. Themes and quotes are presented in English, as that is the language in which the stories were conveyed, mirroring the way in which parents shared experiences.
Parents in this study were among the first generation of Inuit born into permanent settlements. Their parents were often born and raised on the land in nomadic Inuit camps.
The children of that era are the parents of today's youth generation. When asked to explain the perceived divide between the parent and adolescent generations and impact on communication about sexual health, one father said,.
When the kids are not listening to parents today maybe [it's] because the mother or the father is yelling to them. Because they yell … yeah, they yell too much. That they become hard. Hard and they will forget in their mind their childhood when they're older. So, some parents yell too much to the kids. Some parents are quiet.
Some parents are keeping it [inside]. Different world now, different families. We all have different problems. Some people are [in a] very happy family. Some people are in not very good families. Some people are [in] very scary families. Some people are really not good — not welcoming people [in their] families. Like we're all different. Parents described violence, substance use and unresolved trauma as factors that have perpetuated fractures in family relationships and in parent—adolescent communication about sexual health.
Parents in this study expressed a very strong desire to talk to their children about sexual health and relationships but questioned their confidence to teach their children. Fifteen of 17 mothers in the study disclosed experiences of sexual abuse in childhood or adolescence, and often described sexual health in terms of protecting their children from sexual abuse. Parents shared the stories to provide a context for explaining their desire to talk to their children about their negative or traumatic childhood and adolescent experiences in order to prevent their children from being similarly harmed.
However, parents feared that they would be judged by their children for having engaged in the same behaviours that they are trying to prevent. I've been on and off with a relationship with [my children's] father. And when we have our ups and downs — when he comes and goes like takes off and then — my daughter knows that — she knows I'm down and then I start telling her — I said when you're a teenager, don't ever get a boyfriend.
I said don't ever get a boyfriend from here. Like you've got to find the right one and that's not abusive and like won't cheat on you and won't play games. So, I always try before I say anything I sit down and I think about — think about how — how — how am I going to say it to her. So, it's kinda hard for me to try to find the words.
And a way to say it to her. Um, the way I see it — these young kids, now they're all shacked up and … at a young age. Like some of them are what? Thirteen — fourteen? And I'll say to myself, I could see myself when I was that young and like it's scary to get shacked up at a really young age and it's …. Because they're having kids. Are they just shacking up because they want to or … because I wonder — do they know about sexuality and life [relationships]?
Do they know like once you're with the one — once you're with one girl or one boy you are just supposed to be together. Not to just do a couple of one night stands and then take off and then go to another girl ….
That's the part that really scares me cause it's like they're getting that STI all the time and I know how it feels cause you have to take pills for that and then once you get treated and the next thing it happens — it goes back again. Just like that circle of violence. It's like that. The same rotation over and over again. And they say they won't hurt you again. But the next thing it happens again. Parents identified a need for greater emotional support to discuss sexual health and relationships with their children.
There were no boys and girls names in Inuit culture, so it was common for a girl to have the name of her grandfather, for example. Underware hottie gets taken with big dildo while still wearing panty. This has caused men to assume responsibilities in the house that were traditionally done by the women, such as raising children and keeping the home in order. The pressure for Inuit women to conform to the dress and behavior of modern Western culture is immense; however, many aspects of modern culture are foreign to the Inuit women and are directly at odds with the traditional practices of their culture. Sexy schoolgirl gets down on knees and gives hot pov oral job.
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In Inuit communities, the women play a crucial role in the survival of the group. The responsibilities faced by Inuit women were considered equally as important as those faced by the men.
Because of this, the women were given due respect, but are not given an equal share of influence or power. Recent modernization and urbanization has transformed traditional Inuit culture and influenced the role of women within the culture. These changes include both positive and negative impacts on the overall well-being of Inuit women.
In Inuit culture, marriage was not a choice, but a necessity. Inuit men and women needed each other to survive. Married couples had to work together to overcome nearly impossible living conditions. Because every individual had to rely on a partner to survive, marriages were often arranged at birth to ensure the survival of the family.
Love marriages , or choice marriages, existed, but these were all but arranged because there were usually few eligible partners. A young woman was eligible for marriage after puberty , but a man had to prove he was efficient enough in hunting to support a family before he could marry. Inuit marriages rarely included large ceremonies; couples were often considered married after the birth of their first child.
There were monogamous and polygamous marriages, but polygyny was rare because few men could afford to support multiple wives. Although men were considered the head of the family, both genders could demand a divorce. Spouses were sometimes traded or exchanged, and women had some say in this process.
This was a common alternative to divorce because neither family would be without a component vital to its survival — a mother and a wife. In Inuit culture, the family was typically represented by a kudlik lamp or a hearth, which was the property and responsibility of the wife. This lamp had significant symbolic meaning in the family, the community, and the culture.
Hunting and fishing were the primary sources of food for the Inuit people, and men were traditionally responsible for these duties. Women's duties included gathering other sources of food, such as eggs and berries, and preparing the food the hunters brought back.
Animals killed by the hunters needed to be butchered and frozen quickly, before they went bad or froze before being butchered.
Women were traditionally responsible for the butchering, skinning, and cooking of animals taken by the hunters. In Inuit culture, it was believed that the women's respect for the animals killed during hunting trips, and subsequent care when butchering them, would ensure successful hunts.
Women were in charge of the distribution of food to families in the community. The Inuit moved with the seasons to maximize their chances of a successful hunt; their entire families often moved with them.
Among some Inuit groups this led to the development of complex tools such as light and powerful metal harpoons and wood stoves, which were being used by the late s. Inuit parents showed a very high level of warmth and affection to their children. Inuit children usually began to contribute to the family and community by the age of 12 through activities like picking berries and hunting small game.
During this period, they learned skills from their parents through close observation. Learning through observation was the chosen method because it was not practical for children to practice their skills by sewing valuable skins or accompanying men on important hunting trips. Women raised boys and girls. Men taught boys certain skills, such as hunting, and women taught girls certain skills, such as sewing. Kinship is an important factor to an Inuit child's cultural belonging.
Starting from the time the child is born, he or she is introduced to their duties and ties of kinship. After a member of the family has passed away, their name is used as the name for a child of the same family line. The children are raised in a family-oriented environment, as their name serves as a reminder that the group comes first. There were no boys and girls names in Inuit culture, so it was common for a girl to have the name of her grandfather, for example.
Adoption was very common in Inuit culture, and it was often very informal. Unwanted babies, or babies a family could not support, could be offered to another family. If the other family accepted, the adoption was complete. Infanticide was common when conditions were desperate and the group was threatened by starvation. The belief that the Inuit regularly resorted to infanticide may be due in part to studies done by Asen Balikci,  Milton Freeman,  and David Riches  among the Netsilik , along with the trial of Kikkik.
This was seen as best for the culture and prevented the suffering of other family members. Along with childbirth and childcare, women were responsible for sewing skins to make clothes; preserving, processing, and cooking food as mentioned above ; caring for the sick and elderly; and helping to build and take care of the family's shelter.
For protection against the bitter Arctic winter, it has not been surpassed by even the best modern clothing. The clothing created by women was vital because life in Arctic conditions was not possible without extremely well-made clothing to protect from the bitter cold. The clothing was created by the careful sewing of animal skins and furs using ivory needles, which were highly valuable in Inuit society.
The process of preparing skins to be sewn together for creating clothes was done by women and was an arduous task. Skins had to be scraped, stretched, and softened before they were ready to be sewn.
In addition to this, the households Inuit women were expected to help construct and care for could range from igloos , to semi-subterranean sod houses , to tents in the summer months. A good amount of strength was required to construct Inuit shelters. Because of this, Inuit women often worked together and enlisted the help of men to build their homes. Jobs in Inuit culture were not considered men's work or women's work , but the Inuit did believe in men's skills and women's skills.
For example, hunting was generally done by the men. Sewing clothes, cooking and preparing food, gathering food outside of hunting, and caring for the home were generally done by women.
This does not mean that women never hunted, nor that men never helped with other jobs. This was just how the work was traditionally divided.
Women hunted and boated for enjoyment or when food was scarce and the community needed extra hunters. Men and women worked together to create a functioning culture. The men would not be able to go hunting without the warm clothes the women sewed for them, and the women would not have enough food without the meat the men brought back from their hunting trips. Because of this, the work done by women received equal respect to the work done by men. It is easy to think that because men only had one job that they did less work.
The truth is that hunting was extremely physically demanding and time consuming, and often required traveling for days or weeks at a time. As a result, the sexual division of labour in Inuit culture was relatively equal in the amount of work done. While women were respected by men, and often treated as equals, they did not have equal power in the community. Important decisions, such as when to migrate and where to, could be made exclusively by men. Men usually had the final say in issues such as arranging marriages and adoption or infanticide, which have a huge impact on women's lives.
Although women had a relatively high position socially,  and had significant control of their own home, as well as ceremonially important jobs such as lighting and tending to lamps and distributing food,  their power was usually limited to those areas. With women having less power, they are often put in difficult positions when they are not involved in the decision-making process.
For example, a pregnant woman, or a woman with a newborn child, may not be able to migrate hundreds of miles through Arctic conditions in search of better hunting grounds. Factors such as these are rarely taken into account when men are the sole decision-makers for a community. This is especially true of Inuit women. After modernization, the Inuit began to move into Arctic towns and participate in wage labor , government employment, community councils, and the acquisition of modern clothing, housing, and vehicles.
Male Inuit initially took the lead in assimilation by learning the language of the arriving culture and taking on modern, wage earning jobs; however, a lack of education began to hinder the men's ability to find and keep jobs. As a result of this, women began to lead the way in cultural assimilation. Women started by finding work as domestic servants, store clerks, hospital aides, classroom assistants, interpreters, and in weaving and knitting shops.
Some universities in regions where the Inuit are prominent, such as the Nunavut Arctic College , have programs designed specifically for the Inuit people.
This has caused men to assume responsibilities in the house that were traditionally done by the women, such as raising children and keeping the home in order. The "role reversal" that has begun to occur in Inuit society has given women a major increase in power and influence. As the primary wage earners, working women are now considered the heads of their families and have the upper hand in making decisions for them.
This has complicated the relationship between Inuit men and women. It can't all be blamed on woman taking power in a family system. There's lots of support for women to get employed from their family. Reactions such as these perpetuate the cycle and misinformation like this perpetuates the cycle , as men are less likely to be employed after exhibiting these behaviors.
Another change that has begun is that Inuit women have increasingly started to run for political office. Although the positions they seek are often at the community and local levels, this increase in activism reflects the new confidence Inuit women have found in the modern world. Whatever the cause, diabetes , heart disease , and high cholesterol are serious problems for the Inuit people.
Another major issue facing the Inuit is that, after modernization, suicide , violence , depression , and substance abuse have become increasingly prevalent. This may be the result of psychological issues stemming from not having a place in society or being torn between modern life and the culture of their ancestors. Sadly, suicide, depression, and substance abuse are increasingly becoming associated with Inuit women. The pressure for Inuit women to conform to the dress and behavior of modern Western culture is immense; however, many aspects of modern culture are foreign to the Inuit women and are directly at odds with the traditional practices of their culture.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article has been nominated to be checked for its neutrality. Discussion of this nomination can be found on the talk page.
July Learn how and when to remove this template message. Inuit Culture. Gerald Hallowell, ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. American Ethnologist 2 4 : —